“…I have learned much about William A.M. Burden II
from Peggy and I…I was best
acquainted with his 20-year tenure…as Chairman of the Board of the Institute
for Defense Analyses [IDA] and his contribution to the quality of the output of
this `think tank’s serving the Secretary of Defense and the Joint Chiefs of
Staff…His government service reached its apogee during his two years, 1959-61,
as Ambassador to Belgium…He has been most responsive over these years also to
the needs of Columbia University which he has served as a trustee…”
--General and former IDA
President Maxwell Taylor in foreword to Columbia University Life Trustee
William A.M. Burden’s 1982 book, Peggy and I: A Life Too Busy For A Dull
Moment
“Before I accepted my ambassadorship in Belgium I had
been given in 1957…appointment as `a public trustee’ of the Institute for
Defense Analyses [IDA]. It became one of the top priorities of my life…I…was
elected chairman in May, 1959…One of the unfortunate side-effects of the
student protest movement against the Vietnam War was that IDA itself became a
target for anti-war protests, and its member universities were subjected to
faculty and student pressure to cancel their ties…”
--Columbia University Life
Trustee William A.M. Burden in his 1982 book, Peggy and I
“Only prudent, therefore to plan on basis that Lumumba
Government threatens our vital interests in Congo and Africa generally. A
principal objective of our political and diplomatic action must therefore be to
destroy Lumumba government as now constituted…”
--Columbia University Life
Trustee and U.S. Ambassador to Belgium William A.M. Burden in a July 19, 1960
cable to the U.S. State Department
“The Belgians were sort of toying with the idea of
seeing to it that Lumumba was assassinated. I went beyond my instructions and
said, well, I didn’t think it would be a bad idea either, but I naturally never
reported this to Washington—but Lumumba was assassinated. I think it was all to
the good…”
--Columbia University Life
Trustee William A. M. Burden in a 1968 Oral History Interview with Columbia
University School of Journalism’s Advanced International Reporting Program
Director John Luter
Columbia University and the Elimination of Patrice
Lumumba Revisited—Part 1
When Columbia and Barnard
students first occupied Hamilton Hall on Columbia University’s campus on Apr.
23, 1968, one of their six demands was “that the university sever all ties with
the Institute for Defense Analyses [IDA] and that [then-Columbia] President
Kirk and Trustee Burden resign their positions on the Executive Committee of
that institution immediately.”
Coincidentally, besides
representing Columbia University—with the (now-deceased) Grayson Kirk—on the
Executive Committee of the Pentagon’s IDA weapons research think-tank in 1968,
Columbia Life Trustee William A.M. Burden was also the U.S. Ambassador to
Belgium who recommended fifty-seven years ago, in July 1960, that “a principal
objective” of the Republican administration in Washington, D.C. of former
Columbia University President Eisenhower “must therefore be to destroy” the
democratically-elected “Lumumba government as now constituted” in Belgium’s
former Congo[Zaire] colony. As David Talbot recalled in his 2015 book, The
Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret
Government:
“Dulles, Doug Dillon (then serving as a State
Department undersecretary), and William Burden, the U.S. ambassador to Belgium,
led the charge within the Eisenhower administration to first demonize and then
dispose of [Patrice] Lumumba. All three men had financial interests in the
Congo. The Dillon family’s investment bank handled the Congo’s bond issues.
Dulles’s old law firm represented the American Metal Climax (later AMAX), a
mining giant with holdings in the Congo…Ambassador Burden was a company
director…Ambassador Burden was a Vanderbilt heir…
“Burden, who had acquired his ambassadorship by
contributing heavily to the 1956 Eisenhower campaign, spent his days in
Brussels attending diplomatic receptions…It was the ambassador who first raised
alarms about the rising Patrice Lumumba…Burden began sending agitated cables to
Dulles in Washington well before Lumumba’s election…By the…summer [of 1960],
Burden was cabling Washington `to destroy Lumumba government’ as a threat to
`our vital interest in Congo.’…”
“…At an NSC [National Security Council] meeting in
August 1960, Eisenhower gave [CIA Director Allen] Dulles direct approval to
`eliminate’ Lumumba. Robert Johnson, the minutes taker at the NSC meeting…said
there was nothing ambiguous about Eisenhower’s lethal order. `I was surprised
that I would ever hear a president say anything like this in my presence or the
presence of a group of people’…
“…Lumumba `would remain a grave danger,’ Dulles told
an NSC meeting on Sept. 21, 1960, `as long as he was not yet disposed of.’…”
A Life Trustee of Columbia
University since 1956, Burden (who died in 1984) was among the “people in the
Eisenhower administration” who “hunted for ways to reduce Lumumba’s influence”
and, along with CIA Director Allen Dulles “and the CIA’s man in
Leopoldville[Kinshasa],” Larry Devlin, “devised actions,” according to
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Professor of History Emmanuel Gerard and
University of Pennsylvania Professor of History Bruce Kuklick’s 2015 book, Death
in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba.
The same book also noted that
Devlin, was “a CIA agent from the late 1940s” who “began spying for the CIA in
Brussels, where he had a cover position as an attaché’” in 1958 and where he
“made contacts with the Congo’s politicians, who came to Belgium for various
deliberations.” After his appointment as the CIA’s chief of station in the
Congo in “the second part of 1959,” Devlin “went there with Burden” in March
1960, when the Columbia Life Trustee and his wife traveled through the still
not-yet independent Belgian Congo. Coincidentally, besides being a Columbia
trustee in 1960, Burden was also a trustee of the Farfield Foundation that was
utilized by the CIA, during the Cold War Era of the 1950s and 1960s, as a
conduit for covertly financing projects and journals, like the American
Congress of Cultural Freedom [CCF] and Encounter magazine, which promoted
U.S. power elite foreign policy objectives.
Following his March 1960 trip
to the Congo with CIA Station Chief Devlin, “Burden told the Department of
State that America could not permit the Congo to go left after independence,”
according to Death in the Congo. And after the Congo[Zaire] was granted its
formal independence on June 30, 1960, the Columbia Life Trustee--who also
“maintained during his ambassadorship, a directorship in American Metal Climax,
whose Rhodesian copper interests were to make it the leading corporate defender
of a conservative order…in Katanga (where Belgian troops began supporting an
illegally-established secessionist regime on July 11, 1960), according to Roger
Housen’s 2002 paper “Why Did The US Want To Kill Prime Minister Lumumba Of The
Congo?”--began pushing for the removal of the democratically-elected
anti-imperialist Lumumba as Congolese Prime Minister in July 1960. As Madeline
Kalb observed in her 1982 book, The Congo Cables: The Cold War in Africa:
“The U.S. Embassy in Brussels, replying to the U.S. State Department’s query on July 19…took a very strong line regarding Lumumba,
recommending openly for the first time that the United States try to remove him
from office. The U.S. ambassador, William Burden, said he believed the situation
called for `urgent measures on various levels.’…Burden concluded by noting that
while the U.S. Embassy in Leopoldville[Kinshasa] had the primary responsibility
for dealing with the internal political situation in the Congo, the CIA in
Brussels would be `reporting separately some specific suggestions.’”
The Death in the Congo book
also noted:
“…Burden barraged Washington with memos asking greater
sympathy for the [Belgian] imperialists…He understood, he told [then-U.S.] Secretary
[of State Christian] Herter, why the United States would look at issues from
the point of view of the Congo. Nevertheless, America should instead pressure
the UN to support Belgium. At the end of July Burden briefed Dulles when
returned to Washington for discussions. From Europe, Burden would continue as a
mouthpiece for the more rabid anticommunism guiding Dulles’s report to the NSC
[National Security Council]…”
Columbia Trustee Burden also
apparently pressured Time magazine’s then-owner, Henry
Luce, to not do a Lumumba cover story, with Lumumba’s picture on the front of
the magazine, during July 1960 discussions in Paris about the Congolese
political situation between Burden and U.S. Ambassador to France Amory
Houghton, U.S. Ambassador to the Congo Clair “Tim” Timberlake and CIA Chief of
Station in the Congo Larry Devlin. As Devlin recalled in his 2007 book Chief
of Station, Congo: A Memoir of 1960-67:
“We [Devlin and “Tim” Timberlake] moved to Ambassador
Houghton’s office where we were joined by Ambassador Burden for more detailed
talks concerning the Congo and its problems. We were provided lodging at
Ambassador Houghton’s residence and dined there with the two ambassadors.
During our discussions, Tim brought up a delicate matter: `Time magazine plans to do a cover story on Lumumba with his picture
on the front of the magazine.’ He continued, `Celebrity coverage at home will
make him even more difficult to deal with. He’s a first-class headache as it
is.’
“`Then why don’t you get the story killed?’ Burden
asked. `Or at least modified?’
“`I tried to persuade the Time man in Leopoldville[Kinshasa] until I was blue in the face,’
Tim replied. `But he said there was nothing he could do about it because the
story had already been sent to New York.’
“`You can’t expect much from a journalist at that
level,’ Burden said pulling out his address book and flipping through the
pages. He picked up the phone and put a call through to the personal assistant
of Henry Luce, Time’s owner.
“Luce soon returned the call. After a brief, friendly
exchange that made clear his personal relationship with Luce, Burden bluntly
told him that he would have to change the Lumumba cover story. Luce apparently
said that the magazine was about to go to press. `Oh, come on, Henry,’ Burden
said, `you must have other cover stories in the can.’ They chatted for a few
more minutes before Burden hung up.
“A few days later in the United States we picked up a
copy of the magazine with a new and different cover story. Lumumba had been relegated
to the international section…”
The Death in the Congo book
indicated one reason that Columbia Life Trustee Burden was influential enough
in U.S. Establishment circles to be able to stop Time magazine from
putting Patrice Lumumba’s picture on the magazine’s front cover in the summer
of 1960:
“Burden was born into the colossally rich Vanderbilt family. He had a
background in aviation and finance…Burden used his great wealth and the
contacts that came from it to secure upper-level governmental experience,
socializing with moneyed internationally oriented Republicans…”
In 1973, for example, besides
still being both a Columbia trustee and the honorary chairman of the board of
the Pentagon’s Institute for Defense Analyses [IDA] weapons research think
tank, Burden--a former Assistant for Research and Development to the Secretary
of the Air Force--also sat on the board of directors of Lockheed, CBS,
Manufacturers Hanover Trust and Allied Chemical and was still a director of
American Metal Climax [AMAX], according to a Feb.6, 1973 Columbia Daily Spectator
article. In addition, the former U.S. ambassador to Belgium also sat on the
board of trustees of the Museum of Modern Art in 1973.
By August of 1960, former
Columbia University President Eisenhower’s administration in Washington, D.C.
“feared that Lumumba’s oratorical talent would make him a thorn in their side
even if he were maneuvered out of power” and “decided it made more sense to
kill him,” according to Mark Zepezauer’s 1994 book, The CIA’s Greatest Hits.
After CIA Chief of Station in the Congo Devlin met with CIA Director Dulles at
CIA headquarters and then returned to the Congo in August 1960, Eisenhower
called for the elimination of Lumumba at an Aug. 18, 1960 meeting of the
National Security Council, and the following happened, according to Death
in the Congo:
“Project Wizard had come into being. It grew out of
Devlin’s ideas but also out of proposals of the Brussels CIA…The next day the
CIA cabled Devlin to move forward with various ramped-up dirty tricks…Ultimate
formal approval of the government’s most unpleasant jobs came through a
standing four-person subcommittee of the National Security Council, the
`Special Group.’ In addition to a note-taker, it consisted of a top man of the
Department of State and of Defense; Dulles; and [White House National Security
Adviser] Gordon Gray, who spoke for the president. On August 25 [1960], Dulles had his regular meeting with the
Special Group. He outlined the mounting anti-Lumumba exercises of Project
Wizard…After some discussion, the Special Group agreed not to `rule out’
consideration…of `any particular kind of activity which might contribute to
getting rid of Lumumba.’
“The next day Dulles himself wired Devlin about the
`removal’ of Lumumba as `an urgent and prime objective.’ With a State
Department nod, Dulles allowed Devlin some freedom of operation and stipulated
`more aggressive action if it can remain covert.’ The CIA also awarded …an
additional $100,000 [equivalent to over $821,000 in 2017 US dollars] to
accomplish these goals should a `target of opportunity’ present itself and
should Devlin not have time to sound out either the embassy in the Congo or the
CIA at home…”
As the now-deceased Devlin
recalled in his 2007 book Chief of Station, Congo:
“…To the best of my knowledge, no other station chief
had ever been given such latitude…If further evidence was required that
Washington supported our own conclusion about replacing Lumumba, that was it…We
were already monitoring parliament and encouraging and guiding the actions of
various parliamentary opposition groups that we had penetrated…We were also
using [a Belgian citizen and CIA agent named] Jacque to insert anti-Lumumba
articles in the country’s leading newspaper…
“With the full backing of Headquarters, the station
began to work on a plan to remove Lumumba from power. One of our early
operations, organized by Jacque who provided…financial support, was an
anti-Lumumba demonstration when the latter spoke at meeting of African foreign
ministers held in Leopldville[Kinshasa] on Aug. 25 [1960]. On his arrival,
hostile demonstrators shouted `a bas Lumumba’ (`down with Lumumba’), and when
he began to speak to the delegates, the mob drowned him out shouting
anti-Lumumba slogans.”
Then, according to Death
in the Congo, “on the evening of Sept. 3 [1960], Congolese President
Joseph Kasa-Vubu summoned” the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative in
Leopoldville[Kinshasha] during the first two weeks of September1960, Andrew
Cordier, for a meeting. Coincidentally, the Columbia University board of
trustees (that included by-then former U.S. ambassador to the Congo Burden),
would later appoint Cordier to be the Dean of its School of International
Affairs [School of International and Public Affairs] between 1962 and 1968, to
be the Columbia President who succeeded Grayson Kirk between August 1968 and
September 1970 and to again be School of International Affairs Dean between
September 1970 and 1972. The same book also observed:
“Cordier and Kasa-Vubu had more meetings over the next
two days, Sept. 4 and 5 [1960]…A few minutes before 8 p.m. on Sept. 5,
Kasa-Vubu sent his Belgian adviser Jef Van Bilsen to Cordier with a formal
written exhortation. Cordier should close the airports and monitor the
Leopoldville radio station. Then, at 8:12, Kasa-Vubu appeared at the station…He
nervously asserted that he was sacking Lumumba…Cordier immediately implemented Kasa-Vubu’s
written solicitations…The firing was invalid…Lumumba made the illegality of
Kasavubu’s ploy clear in a letter…delivered to Cordier at 4 a.m. on Sept. 6
[1960]…On Wednesday afternoon, Sept. 7 [1960], in the Congo’s house of
representatives Lumumba yet again explained the illegality of Kasa-Vubu’s
acts…For 5 days Cordier took instructions from politicians who had no
justifiable authority. He had closed the radio station and shut the airports
because Kasa-Vubu asked him…When Kasa-Vubu pitched Lumumba out [as Congolese
prime minister], the Congo’s [ceremonial] president had the help of Belgian and
UN authorities...and also the goodwill of the CIA. At this time the Americans
put Joseph Ileo, Kasa-Vubu’s choice for prime minister, on the payroll, although
he had already been funded to secure his election as president of the Congo’s
senate…”
According to Professor of
Political Science George Nzongola-Ntalaja’s 2003 book, The Congo from Leopold to Kabila:
A People’s History, however, “both houses of” the Congo’s “parliament,
where Lumumba still had a working majority gave him a vote of confidence and
rejected Kasa-Vubu’s decision as null and void.” But on Sept. 14, 1960, future
Congolese/Zairean dictator Mobutu “pulled off his first military coup with the
help of the CIA.” Prior to Mobutu’s Sept. 14, 1960 military coup, CIA Director
Dulles had flown to Brussels to brief Burden “on the recent decisions of the
National Security Council” and told Burden that “he believed the leader we
could depend on in a showdown with Lumumba was young Colonel Joseph Mobutu,
second in command of the Congolese army,” according to Burden’s Peggy
and I book.
Back in the United States on
Sept. 19, 1960, “Dulles and his immediate subordinates launched a top-secret
communication channel to Devlin called PROP, which would only discuss
assassination” of Lumumba, according to Death in the Congo;” while “in a
document signed in October 1960, the then-Belgian minister for African Affairs,
Count Harold d’Aspremot Lyden, stated explicitly that Belgian interests
“required `the final elimination of Lumumba,’ according to The Congo from Leopold to Kabila.
And by the end of January 1961, the democratically-elected and illegally ousted
Congolese prime minister had been physically “eliminated.”
Coincidentally, in a 1968
oral history interview with former Newsweek editor and Columbia
University Journalism School faculty member Joel Luter, less than 8 years
later, Columbia Life Trustee and then-IDA Executive Committee member and chairman
of the IDA board of trustees Burden made the following comment about the murder
of Lumumba and two colleagues, Congolese Senate Vice-President Joseph Okito and
Congolese Youth and Sports Minister Maurice Mpolo, on Jan. 17, 1961 in the Katanga
area of the Congo[Zaire]:
“The Belgians were sort of toying with the idea of
seeing to it that Lumumba was assassinated. I went beyond my instructions and
said, well, I didn’t think it would be a bad idea either, but I naturally never
reported this to Washington—but Lumumba was assassinated. I think it was all to
the good…”
Bur in his 1967 book, Challenge
of the Congo, Kwame Nkrumah (the democratically-elected Ghanaian head
of state who was forced out of office in a 1966 CIA-orchestrated military coup)
wrote the following about what happened in the Congo during Columbia Life
Trustee Burden’s term as U.S. Ambassador to Belgium and during the period when
former Columbia University President Cordier was the UN Secretary-General’s
Special Representative in the Congo:
“Somewhere in Katanga in the Congo…three of our
brother freedom fighters have been done to death…They have been killed because
the United Nations…denied to the lawful Government of the Congo…means of
self-protection…The murder of Patrice Lumumba and of his two colleagues…is
unique in that it is the first time in history that the legal ruler of a
country has been done to death with the open connivance of a world organization
in whom that ruler put his trust...Kasa-Vubu illegally tried to remove Patrice
Lumumba from office and to substitute another Government. When Lumumba wished
to broadcast to the people, explaining what had happened, the United
Nations…prevented him by force from speaking…
“…The United Nations, which could exert its authority
to prevent Patrice Lumumba from broadcasting, was, so it pleaded, quite unable
to prevent his arrest by mutineers or his transfer, through the use of
airfields under United Nations control…The United Nations would not effectively
intervene to save the life of the Prime Minister or his colleagues…Our dear
brothers Patrice Lumumba, Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito are dead…”.
And as Ludo De Witte recalled
in his 2001 preface to the English edition of his book The Assassination of Lumumba:
“…Without the steps taken by Washington and the United
Nations during the preceding months, the assassination could never have been
carried out. In July 1960, after Belgium intervened in the Congo and after the
rich copper state of Katanga seceded, the United States went into action…U.S.
President Dwight Eisenhower had instructed his aides to liquidate Lumumba and a
top secret CIA unit was given the task of eliminating him…Lumumba’s transfer to
Katanga, delivering him into the hands of his worst enemies, was done with the
full knowledge of Lawrence Devlin, the CIA station chief…UN complicity is
demonstrated by the help given to Mobutu’s soldiers in capturing Lumumba…The
assassination of Lumumba and tens of thousands of other Congolese nationalists,
from 1960 to 1965, was the West’s ultimate attempt to destroy the continent’s
authentic independent development…”
(end of part 1)
